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A classic view regarding decision-making holds that attention serves foremost to acquire the information most relevant and important for choosing between alternatives. Thereby the role of attention is largely a passive one. However, an alternative view that is gaining traction in recent years, especially due to the help of eye tracking research, argues that attention plays a more active role in decision processes, influencing the construction of decisions.

This is a key message delivered by Orquin and Mueller Loose (2013) in their review on the role of attention in decision-making, as can be learnt from tracking of eye movements and subsequent fixations [1]. The approach taken by the researchers, however, is less usual: They do not constrain themselves concretely to the domain of decision-making; instead, they start their review and analysis of evidence from theories or models of tasks similar or related to decision-making (e.g., perception, information processing, visual search, working memory, top-down and bottom-up processes, problem solving).  Then they try to project how the functions of attention in such tasks may project to or be expressed in decision processes.

Furthermore, Orquin and Mueller Loose examine the extent to which the evidence coincides with four alternative theories and associated models of decision-making (i.e., whether empirical evidence substantiates or refutes assumptions or conclusions in each theory). They review evidence from previous research on similar or related tasks that could also be traced specifically in decision tasks, based on eye tracking in decision-making research, and evaluate this evidence in the context of the alternative decision-making theories.

The theories and related models considered are: (1) rational models; (2) bounded rationality models; (3) evidence accumulation models (e.g., the attention drift diffusion model [aDDM] posits that a decision-maker accumulates evidence in favour of the alternative being fixated upon at a given time); and (4) parallel constraint satisfaction models (a type of dual process, neural network model based on the conception of System 1’s fast and intuitive thinking [first stage] and System 2’s slow and deliberate thinking [second stage]). Rational models as well as bounded rationality models more explicitly contend that the role of attention is simply to capture the information needed for making a decision. ‘Strong’ rational models hold that all relevant, available information about choice alternatives would be attended to and taken into account, whereas ‘relaxed’ rational models allow for the possibility of nonattendance to some of the information (e.g., attributes or object [product] features). Bounded rationality models suggest that information is acquired just as required by the decision rules applied. The two other categories of models are more flexible in regard to how information is acquired and used, and its effect on the decision process and outcome. However, the authors argue that all four theories are found to be in deficit to a smaller or larger degree in their consideration of the role and function of attention in decision processes, having at least some of their assumptions being rejected by the evidence evaluated.

Selected insights drawn from the review of Orquin and Mueller Loose are enlisted here only briefly to shed light on the significance of attention in consumer decision-making.

A crucial question in decision-making is how information enters the decision process and is being utilised in reaching a choice decision: information may be acquired through attention guided by a top-down (goal-driven) process, yet information may also be captured by a bottom-up (stimulus-based) attentional process. The entanglement of both types of processes when making a decision is a prime aspect in this domain and has multiple implications. A more efficient selection process may be driven by greater experience with a task (e.g., more important information cues have a higher probability of being fixated on) and increased expertise in comprehension of visualisations (e.g., more fixations to relevant areas, and inversely fewer fixations to irrelevant areas, requiring shorter fixation durations, and longer saccades [‘jumps’ between more distant elements of information in a scene]). The interaction between bottom-up and top-down processing can amplify attention capture and improve the visual acuity of objects perceived. Bottom-up attention in particular is likely to be influenced by the saliency of a visual stimulus; however, it may not take effect when the task demands on attention are high, wherein priority is given to top-down directives for attention. Decision-making research has shown that visually salient alternatives or attributes are more likely to capture attention and furthermore affect the decision in their favour.

An interplay occurs between working memory and ‘instant’ attention: As the load of information fixated becomes larger, more elements are passed to working memory, and information is accessed from there for processing; however, as the strain on working memory increases, consumers turn to re-fixating information elements and consider them instantly or just-in-time (i.e., fixations are thus used as external memory space). This type of interplay has been identified in tasks of problem solving. Toggling between working memory and fixations or re-fixations in decision tasks can be traced, for instance, in alternative comparisons. Greater demands imposed by information complexity and decision difficulty (due to greater similarity between alternatives) may require greater effort (operations) in acquiring and processing information, yet the process may be shortened on the other hand through learning.

  • Another area with interesting implication is processing of visual objects: Previous research has shown that visual objects are not encoded as complete representations (e.g., naturalistic product images) and the binding of features is highly selective. Thereof, encoding of particular features during an object-stimulus fixation may be goal-driven, and a re-fixation may be employed to refer just-in-time to specific object [product] features as needed in a decision task, thus saving on working memory capacity.

Consumers have a tendency to develop a bias during a decision task towards a favoured alternative. This alternative would get more fixations, and there is also a greater likelihood for the last alternative fixated to be the one chosen (put differently, consumers are likely to re-affirm the choice of their favourite alternative by re-fixating it just before making the decision). A desired or favoured attribute can also benefit from a similar effect by receiving more frequent attention (i.e., fixations). The authors point, however, to a difficulty in confirming evidence accumulation models: whether greater likelihood of a more fixated alternative to be chosen is due to its higher utility or greater exposure to it. They suggest a ‘soft’ model version in support for a greater effect of extended mere exposure leading to choice of an alternative. They add that a down-stream effect of attention from perception onto choice through a bottom-up process may play a role of gatekeeping the alternatives entering a consideration set. It is noted that a down-stream effect, arising from a bottom-up process, is clearly distinguishable from a utility effect, since the former is stimulus-driven and the latter is goal-driven.

Consistent with bounded rationality theory, heuristics shape patterns of attention, directed by the information that a heuristic calls for (e.g., by alternative or by attribute). Yet, eye-tracking studies conducted to trace the progression of decision processes could not corroborate the patterns of heuristics used as proposed in the literature. More formally, studies failed to substantiate the assumption that heuristics in use can be inferred from the patterns of attention recorded. Transitions of consumers between alternative-wise and attribute-wise rules during a decision task make inferences especially difficult. Not only decision rules influence what information is attended to, but information cues met with during the decision process can modify the course of the decision strategy applied — consider the potential effect that salient stimuli captured unexpectedly in a bottom-up manner can have on the progression of the decision strategy.

In summary, regarding the decision-making theories, Orquin and Mueller Loose conclude: (a) firmer support for the relaxed rational model over the strong model (nonattendance is linked to down-stream effects); (b) a two-way relationship between decision rules and attention, where both top-down and bottom-up processes drive attention; (c) the chosen alternative has a higher likelihood of fixations during the decision task and also of being the last alternative fixated — they find confirmation for a choice bias but offer a different interpretation of the function of evidence accumulated; (d) an advantage of the favoured alternatives or most important attributes in receiving greater attention, and advantage of salient alternatives receiving more attention and being more likely to be chosen (concerning dual process parallel constraint satisfaction models).

Following the review, I offer a few final comments below:

Orquin and Mueller Loose contribute an important and interesting perspective in the projection of the role of [visual] attention from similar or related tasks onto decision-making and choice. Moreover, relevance is increased because elements of the similar tasks are embedded in decision-making tasks. Nevertheless, we still need more research within the domain because there could be aspects specific or unique to decision-making (e.g., objectives or goals, structure and context) that should be specified. Insofar as attention is concerned, this call is in alignment with the conclusions of the authors. Furthermore, such research has to reflect real-world situations and locations where consumers practically make decisions.


In retail stores, consider for example the research by Chandon, Hutchinson, Bradlow, and Young (2009) on the trade-off between visual lift (stimulus-based) and brand equity (memory-based); this research combined eye tracking with scanner purchase data [2]. However, it is worth looking also into an alternative approach of video tracking as used by Hui, Huang, Suher, and Inman (2013) in their investigation of the relations between planned and unplanned considerations and actual purchases (video tracking was applied in parallel with path tracking)[3].

For tracing decision processes more generally, refer for example to a review and experiment with eye tracking (choice bias) by Glaholt and Reingold (2011)[4], but consider nonetheless the more critical view presented by Reisen, Hoffrage and Mast (2008) following their comparison of multiple methods of interactive process tracing (IAPT)[5]. Reisen and his colleagues were less convinced that tracking eye movements was superior to tracking mouse movements (MouseLab-Web) for identifying decision strategies while consumers are acquiring information (they warn of superfluous eye re-fixations and random meaningless fixations that occur while people are contemplating the options in their minds).


 

It should be noted that a large part of the research in this field, using eye-tracking measurement, is applied with concentrated displays of information on alternatives and their attributes. The most frequent and familiar format is information matrices (or boards), although in reality we may also encounter other graphic formats such as networks, trees, layered wheels, and more art-creative diagram illustrations. Truly, concentrated displays can be found in shelf displays in physical stores and also in screen displays online and in mobile apps (e.g., retailers’ online stores, manufacturers’ websites, comparison websites). However, on many occasions of decision tasks (e.g., durables, more expensive products), consumers acquire information through multiple sessions while constructing their decisions. That is, the decision process extends over time. In each session consumers may keep some information elements or cues for later processing and integration, or they may execute an interim stage in their decision strategy. If information is eventually integrated, consumers may utilise aides like paper notes and electronic spreadsheets, but they do not necessarily do so.

Orquin and Mueller Loose refer to effects arising from spatial dispersion of information elements in a visual display as relevant to eye tracking (i.e., distance length of saccades), but these studies do not account for temporal dispersion of information. Studies may need to bridge data from multiple sessions to accomplish a more comprehensive representation of some decision processes. Yet, smartphones today can help in closing somewhat the gap since they permit shoppers to acquire information in-store while checking more information from other sources on their smartphones — mobile devices of eye tracking may be used to capture this link.

Finally, eye tracking provides researchers with evidence about attention to stimuli and information cues, but it cannot tell them directly about other dimensions such as meaning of the information and valence. The importance of information to consumers can be implied from measures such as the frequency and duration of fixations, but other methods are needed to reveal additional dimensions, especially from the conscious perspective of consumers (vis-à-vis unconscious biometric techniques such as coding of facial expressions). An explicit method (Visual Impression Metrics) can be used, for example, to elicit statements by consumers as to what areas and objects in a visual display that they freely observe they like or dislike (or are neutral about); if applied in combination with eye tracking, it would enable to signify the valence of areas and objects consumers attend to (unconsciously) in a single session with no further probing.

The review of Orquin and Mueller Loose opens our eyes to the versatile ways in which [visual] attention may function during decision tasks: top-down and bottom-up processes working in tandem, toggling between fixations and memory, a two-way relation between decision strategies and visual attention, choice bias, and more. But foremost, we may learn from this review the dynamics of the role of attention during consumer decision-making.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

References: 

[1] Attention and Choice: A Review of Eye Movements in Decision Making; Jacob L. Orquin and Simone Mueller Loos, 2013; Acta Psychologica, 144, pp. 190-206

[2] Does In-Store Marketing Work? Effects of the Number and Position of Shelf Facings on Brand Attention and Evaluation at the Point of Purchase; Pierre Chandon, J. Wesley Hutchinson, Eric T. Bradlow, & Scott H. Young, 2009; Journal of Marketing, 73 (November), pp. 1-17

[3] Deconstructing the “First Moment of Truth”: Understanding Unplanned Consideration and Purchase Conversion Using In-Store Video Tracking; Sam K. Hui, Yanliu Huang, Jacob Suher, & J. Jeffrey Inman, 2013; Journal of Marketing Research, 50 (August), pp. 445-462.

[4] Eye Movement Monitoring as a Process Tracing Methodology in Decision Making Research; Mackenzie G. Glaholt and Eyal M. Reingold, 2011; Journal of Neuroscience, Psychology and Economics, 4 (2), pp. 125-146

[5] Identifying Decision Strategies in a Consumer Choice Situation; Nils Reisen, Ulrich Hoffrage, and Fred W. Mast, 2008; Judgment and Decision Making, 3 (8), pp. 641-658

‘Experience’ has gained a prime status in the past decade — everything seems to revolve around experience in the universe of management, marketing, and even more specifically with respect to relationship marketing. It has become like a sine qua non of operating in this universe. There can be multiple contexts for framing experience — customer experience, brand experience, user (or product) experience, and also employee experience. Nevertheless, these concepts are inter-linked, and customer experience could be the central point-of-reference just because all other forms of experience eventually contribute to the customer’s experience. After all, this is the age of experience economy (cf. Pine and Gilmore).

This focus on the role of experience and primarily customer experience (CX) in contemporary marketing surely has not escaped the attention of companies involved with data-based marketing particularly on the service side (e.g., technology, research, consulting). In mid-November 2018 enterprise information technology company SAP announced a stark move of acquiring research technology firm Qualtrics for the sum of $8 billion in cash (deal expected to materialise during the first half of 2019). Qualtrics started in 2002 by specialising in survey technology for conducting consumer and customer surveys online, and has later on broadened the spectrum of its software products and tools to address a range of experience domains, put in a framework entitled Experience Management (XM).

However, less visible to the public, Qualtrics made an acquisition of its own of Temkin Group — an expert company specialising in customer experience research, training and consulting — about two weeks before announcing the SAP-Qualtrics deal. Qualtrics was reportedly engaged at the time of these deals in preparations for its IPO. Adding the knowledge and capabilities of Temkin Group to those of Qualtrics could fairly be viewed as a positive enforcement of the latter prior to its IPO, and eventually the selling of Qualtrics to SAP. Therefore, it would be right to say that Qualrtics + Temkin Group and SAP are effectively joining forces in domain knowledge, research capabilities and data technologies. Yet since the original three entities (i.e., as before November 2018) were so unequal in size and power, it raises some major questions about how their union under the umbrella of SAP will work out.

SAP specialises in enterprise software applications for organisational day-to-day functions across-the-board, and supporting software-related services (SAP was established in 1972, based in Germany). It operates today in 130 countries with 100+ innovation and development centres; its revenue in the 2017 financial year was $23.46 billion. Many of the company’s software applications can be deployed on premises, in the cloud, or hybrid (SAP reports 150 million subscribers in the cloud service user base). The two product areas of highest relevance to this story are CRM & Customer Experience solutions and the Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) solutions & Digital Core (featuring its flagship platform HANA). The two areas of solutions correspond with each other.

The S4/HANA platform is described as an intelligent ERP software, a real-time solution suite . It enables, for example, delivering personally customised products ordered online (e.g., bicycles). For marketing activities and customer-facing services it should require data from the CRM and CX applications. The ERP platform supports, however, the financial planning and execution of overall activities of a client organisation. The CRM & Customer Experience suite of solutions includes five key components: Customer Data Cloud (enabled actually by Gigya, another acquisition by SAP in 2017); Marketing Cloud; Commerce Cloud; Sales Cloud; and Service Cloud. The suite covers a span of activities and functions: profiling and targeting at segment-level and individual level, applicable, for instance, in campaigns or tracking customer journeys (Marketing); product order and content management (Commerce); comprehensive self-service processes plus field service management and remote service operations by agents (Service). In all these sub-areas we may find potential links to the kinds of data that can be collected and analysed with the tools of Qualtrics while SAP’s applications are run on operational data gathered within its system apparatus. The key strengths offered in the Customer Data Cloud are integrating data, securing customer identity and access to digital interfaces across channels and devices, and data privacy protection. SAP highlights that its marketing and customer applications are empowered by artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) capabilities to personalise and improve experiences.

  • At the technical and analytic level, SAP’s Digital Platform is in charge of the maintenance of solutions and databases (e.g., ERP HANA) and management of data processes, accompanied by the suite of Business Analytics that includes the Analytics Cloud, Business Analytics, Predictive Analytics and Collaborative Enterprise Planning. Across platforms SAP makes use of intelligent technologies and tools organised in its Leonardo suite.

Qualtrics arrives from quite a different territory, nestled much closer to the field of marketing and customer research as a provider of technologies for data collection through surveys of consumers and customers, and data analytic tools. The company has gained acknowledgement thanks to its survey software for collecting data online whose use has so expanded to make it one of the more popular among businesses for survey research. Qualtrics now focuses on four domains for research: Customer Experience, Brand Experience, Product Experience, and Employee Experience.

  • The revenue of Qualtrics in 2018 is expected to exceed $400 million (in first half of 2018 revenue grew 42% to $184m); the company forecast that revenue will continue to grow at an annual rate of 40% before counting its benefits from synergies with SAP (CNBC; TechCrunch on 11 November 2018).

Qualtrics organises its research methodologies and tools by context under the four experience domains aforementioned. The flagship survey software, PER, allows for data collection through multiple digital channels (e.g., e-mail, web, mobile app, SMS and more), and is accompanied by a collection of techniques and tools for data analysis and visualisation. The company emphasises that its tools are so designed that use of them does not require one to be a survey expert or a statistician.

Qualtrics provides a range of intelligent assistance and automation capabilities; they can aid, guide and support the work of users according to their level of proficiency. Qualtrics has developed a suite of intelligent tools, named iQ, among them Stats iQ for statistical analysis, Text iQ for text analytics and sentiment scoring, and Predict iQ + Driver iQ for advanced statistical analysis and modelling. Additionally, it offers ExpertReview for helping with questionnaire composition (e.g., by giving AI-expert ‘second opinion’). In a marketing context, the company offers techniques for ad testing, brand tracking, pricing research, market segmentation and more. Some of these research methodologies and tools would be of less relevance and interest to SAP unless they can be connected directly to customer experiences that SAP needs to understand and account for through the services it offers.

The methods and tools by Qualtrics are dedicated to bringing the subjective perspective of customers about their experiences. Under the topic of Customer Experience Qualtrics covers customer journey mapping, Net Promoter Score (NPS), voice of the customer, and digital customer experience; user experience is covered in the domain of Product Experience, and various forms of customer-brand interactions are addressed as part of Brand Experience. The interest of SAP especially in Qualtrics, as stated by the firm, is  complementing or enhancing its operational data (O-data) with customer-driven experience data (X-data) produced by Qualtrics (no mention is made of Temkin Group). The backing and wide business network of SAP should create new opportunities for Qualtrics to enlarge its customer base, as suggested by SAP. The functional benefits for Qualtrics are less clear; possible gains may be achieved by combining operational metrics in customer analyses as benchmarks or by making comparisons between objective and subjective evaluations of customer experiences, assuming clients will subscribe to some of the services provided by the new parent company SAP.

Temkin Group operated as an independent firm for eight years (2010-2018), headed by Bruce Temkin (with wife Karen), until its acquisition by Qualtrics in late October 2018. It provided consulting, research and training activities on customer experience (at its core was customer experience but it dealt with various dimensions of experience beyond and in relation to customers). A key asset of Temkin Group is its blog / website Experience Matters, a valued resource of knowledge; its content remains largely in place (viewed January 2018), and hopefully will stay on.

Bruce Temkin developed several strategic concepts and constructs of experience. The Temkin Experience Rating metric is based on a three-component construct of experience: Success, Effort and Emotion. The strategic model of experience includes four required competencies: (a) Purposeful Leadership; (b) Compelling Brand Values; (c) Employee Engagement; and (d) Customer Connectedness. He made important statements in emphasising the essence of employee engagement to deliver superior customer experience, and in including Emotion as one of the pillars of customer experience upon which it should be evaluated. The more prominent of the research reports published by Temkin Group were probably the annual series of Temkin Experience Rating reports, covering 20 industries or markets with a selection of companies competing in each.

Yet Temkin apparently has come to a realisation that he should not go it alone any longer. In a post blog on 24 October 2018, entitled “Great News: Temkin Group Joins Forces With Qualtrics“, Temkin explained as the motivation to his deal with Qualtrics a recognition he had reached during the last few years: “it’s become clear to me that Qualtrics has the strongest momentum in CX and XM“. Temkin will be leading the Qualtrics XM Institute, built on the foundations of Temkin CX Institute dedicated to training. The new institute will be sitting on top of Qualtrics XM platform. In his blog announcement Temkin states that the Qualtrics XM Institute will “help shape the future of experience management, establish and publish best practices, drive product innovation, and enable certification and training programs that further build the community of XM professionals” — a concise statement that can be viewed as the charter of the institute Temkin will be in charge of at Qualtrics. Temkin has not taken long to adopt the framework of Experience Management and support it in writing for the blog.

The teams of Temkin and Qualtrics (CEO and co-founder Ryan Smith) may co-operate more closely in developing research plans on experience for clients and initiating research reports similar to the ones Temkin Group produced so far. Bruce Temkin should have easy and immediate access to the full range of tools and technologies of Qualtrics to continue with research projects and improve on them. Qualtrics should have much to benefit from the knowledge and training experience of Temkin in the new XM institute at Qualtrics. It seems easier to foresee beneficial synergies between Temkin Group and Qualtrics than their expected synergies with SAP.

However, there is a great question arising now, how all this vision and plans for Temkin and Qualtrics working together, and particularly their project of Qualtrics XM Institute, will be sustained following the acquisition of Qualtrics by SAP. One cannot overlook the possibility that SAP will develop its own expectations and may require changes to plans only recently made or modifications to Qualtrics CX Platform and XM Solutions so as to satisfy the needs of SAP. According to TechCrunch (11 Nov. 2018) Qualtrics will continue to function as a subsidiary company and will retain its branding and personnel (note: it may be gradually assimilated into SAP while keeping Qualtrics associated names, as seems to be the case of Israel-based Gigya). Much indeed can depend on giving Qualtrics + Temkin Group autonomy to pursue with their specialisations and vision on XM while they share knowledge, data and technologies with SAP.

Bill McDermott, CEO of SAP, is looking high in the sky: as quoted in the company’s news release from 11 November 2018, he describes bringing together SAP and Qualtrics as “a new paradigm, similar to market-making shifts in personal operating systems, smart devices and social networks“. But it is also evident that SAP still sees the move through the prism of technology: “The combination of Qualtrics and SAP reaffirms experience management as the ground-breaking new frontier for the technology industry“.

Temkin’s viewpoint is much more customer-oriented and marketing-driven vis-à-vis the technology-driven view of McDermott and SAP, which may put them in greater conflict with time about priorities and future direction for XM. Qualtrics headed by Ryan Smith will have to decide how it prefers to balance between the marketing-driven view and technology-driven view on experience. Temkin, for example, has reservations about the orientation of the technology known as Enterprise Feedback Management (EFM), suggesting instead a different focus by naming this field “Customer Insight and Action (AIC) Platforms”. In his comments on the acquisition of Qualtrics by SAP (16 November 2018) he explains that organisations “succeed by taking action on insights that come from many sources, combining experience data (X-data) and operational data (O-data)“. In his arguments in favour of joining SAP with Qualtrics, Temkin recollects an observation he made in an award-winning report from 2002 while at Forrester Research: he argued then that “widespread disappointing results of CRM were a result of a pure technology-orientation and that companies needed to focus more on developing practices and perspectives that used the technology to better serve customers”; he claims that much has changed in the field since that time. Yet it is hard to be convinced that technology has much less influence now in shaping organisational, managerial and marketing processes, on both service side (e.g., SAP) and client side.

  • As a note aside, if SAP gets the upper hand in setting the agenda and does not give sufficient autonomy to Qualtrics as suggested earlier, the first sector at risk of having most to lose from this deal would be ‘marketing and customer research’.

SAP and Qualtrics are both involved in development and implementation of technology, yet SAP is focused on information technology enabling overall day-to-day operations of an organisation, whereas Qualtrics is focused on technology enabling experience and marketing research. Qualtrics and Temkin Group are both engaged in domains of experience: Qualtrics specialises in the technology that enables the research, while Temkin Group brought strengths in conducting research plus strategic thinking and training (education) on customer experience. In order for their joint forces to succeed they all will have to find ways to bridge gaps between their viewpoints, to ‘live and let live’, and at the same time complement one another in areas of shared understanding and expertise.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

 

One does not have to be a faithful Christian to enjoy a good Christmas market, and the Swiss markets in Zürich during the Advent period (22 November – 23 December) are very good indeed. Truly, those markets are useful and delightful for non-Christians just as well. As a market, it is a commercial event at its core. But much beyond its commercial function, the Christmas market has the flare of a festive fair, and this is well felt in Zürich.

Remarkably, the Christmas markets of Zurich do not have the appearance and feel of an over-commercialised event. A careful observer may find signs of event marketing and brand marketing, but they are woven cleverly and tastefully into the market happening so it should not disturb the visitors. Big brand names are not omnipresent or dominating the markets. Instead, stalls seem to be inhabited mostly by small and independent local traders, and much of the merchandise is made by handicraft. The magic of this organisation is in giving the sense of older-times retailing. These characteristics may signify, more broadly, a distinction between European and American approaches to commerce and marketing. Nevertheless, the Zurich Christmas markets seem to exhibit elements of a well-thought marketing design, yet without making them imposing or too apparent to celebrating visitors-shoppers.

Just to remove any doubt before continuing: These markets involve not only merchandise — food and drinks play a major role in them. More will be said about eating and drinking at a Christmas market later in the post.

Several Christmas markets operated this year (2018) in Zurich, the three major ones were in the main railway station (Hauptbahnhof); in front of the Opera House near the lake; and in the Niederdorf Quarter in the Old Town of Zurich (on the north bank of the Limmat river).

The Christkindlimarkt in the large hall of the Hauptbahnhof (i.e., it is located indoors) is the most immediately accessible to anyone arriving to Zurich by train. But furthermore the station is a major hub of travel and shopping for anyone passing through (note: the station lays over a large underground shopping centre). It is the central market of the city with 150 stalls. The Christmas market in the station is therefore said to be the most busy one in the city, and it can feel over-crowded at times.

The market is arranged in a squared block with two longitudinal ‘avenues’ running Swarovski Christmas Treethrough it with stalls on both sides, and some passes connecting between them. In the middle of the market features the main attraction: a 15-metre-high sparkling Christmas tree with glass decorations, courtesy of Swarovski. The tree is surrounded at its base by displays of glassware jewelleries, figurines and other decorations by the Swarovski retail brand, with a little hut-shop next to the tree (a Swarovski store is situated across the street from the railway station). The tree makes a very impressive attraction, nevertheless, and lures many visitors circling around it. Overall, the market looks and sounds cheerful and busy, and while the Swarovski-branded tree acts as a market’s anchor, it does not seem to distract visitors-shoppers from attending the many stalls in the Christkindlimarkt with their various gift-opportunity offerings and food delights.

A greater festivity takes place, nonetheless, at the Christmas village (‘Wienachstdorf’) in the large square in front of the Opera House (Sechselautenplatz) just next to the Zurich Lake promenade. This Christmas market-village entails around 100 stalls, arranged in free-form, curve-shaped areas. Not least, it seems to offer the best opportunities for Christmas Market Village near Operaeating and drinking in between looking for merchandise. A large place is dedicated in the centre of the village for sitting at long tables to eat some of the delicacies like Swiss raclette or a French crêpe. Since this market is open-air, and it can be freezing cold, a most popular hot drink at this time of year is Glühwein (mulled wine) — many people can be seen walking and warming up with cups of Glühwein. There are, however, some more protected areas to stay, eat or drink, particularly two indoors halls that resemble pubs in atmosphere. The market is plentiful with merchandise at the stalls, so much it is impossible to cover here its variety.  Most products can fit appropriately as gifts for family and friends, but they also suit shoppers wishing to spoil themselves for Christmas. One may find there winter accessories, decorations and toys of all sorts, woodcraft, and much more.

Two main attractions are especially noteworthy; each is of a different type, and either is hosted by an Alpine mountain resort site. The major leisure attraction is an ice skating rink, hosted by Arosa mountain resort (neighbouring Lenzerheide in the Graubünden Canton). Little children are welcome to join skating with the aid of ‘penguins’. Traditional Christmas songs (as back in time as from the 1940s) play in the background to complete the nice entertaining experience. A culinary attraction on site of the Christmas village is the Fondue Chalet hosted by Klosters, the Klosters Stübli (Klosters is a resort village neighbouring the more famed town of Davos). Inside the chalet, diners are seated at long wooden tables on benches with woolen covers, giving the place the atmosphere of a public dining house. Having a fine cheese fondue with a glass of cider makes a wonderful meal. True, the two resort sites make a promotion for themselves ahead of the winter vacation & skiing season, but in view of the pleasant benefits they provide to the visitors of the Zurich Christmas market, such a branded initiative appears legitimate and welcome. They fit well as event marketing attractions in the Wienachstdorf that add to the whole festive atmosphere, like one big street party.

The third key Christmas market is in the Niederdorf Quarter of the Old Town. It is centred at Niederdorfstrasse, but it has ‘satellite’ extensions along the streets, starting from the large cathedral of Gross Münster. The headline advantage of this market is the relaxing atmosphere that the Old Town architecture provides. It is relatively smaller as well as calmer than the two previous markets described.

Smaller concentrations of Christmas market stalls can be found in another part of the city centre, along and around the Bahnhofstrasse. One concentration, for instance, can be found in a pedestrian street running between the Jelmoli aChristmas Market near Globusnd Globus department stores, and continuing in front of the latter. It adds light and buzz to that area that is not available in other times of the year. Another Christmas market happening takes place not far from there, at Werdmühleplatz, next to the main shopping and business Bahnhofstrasse. There beside the stalls stands a large Singing Christmas Tree; in the evenings different choirs from the Zurich district stand on elevations around the tree and sing Christmas songs in various languages to the pleasure of a pedestrian audience. This gives a special celebrating atmosphere to the small market.

To complete the picture, add to the Christmas markets the sights of Christmas lights in different decorative forms and colours, hanging above streets and on the facades of buildings, especially those housing large stores, banks, and other prominent businesses. The Christmas lights will follow shoppers most of the way moving from one market to the other. A special tram for children runs between sites in the city in a round tour starting nearby the Wienachstdorf; the children are hosted by Christmas angles (Christkindli) on their trip, sponsored by Jelmoli department store.

A Stall in Christmas Market near Globus

It must be emphasised that stalls selling food and drinks are available for visitors-shoppers in each of the Christmas markets, including serving the Glühwein, a necessity when temperatures drop to zero degrees Celsius. Similar food delicacies may be found in most of the markets (e.g., raclette, sausages, crêpes, Berliner, mini mousses), yet the market in front of the Opera seems to be the culinary centre with a greater variety of foods (e.g., including also Asian cuisine). Lines may be found in front of every food stall at the Wienachstdorf, and the tables in the village centre are almost always fully occupied.


Notwithstanding the markets in Zurich, an experience of an even greater Christmas market is awaiting those willing to go farther along the Lake of Zurich (less than an hour journey by train) to Rapperswil-Jona, its lakeshore promenade and the Old Town. The Christkindlimärt spreads over the large place of the promenade and extends into theChristmas Market in Rapperswil-Jona streets of the Old Town going up to the castle. The market inhabits over 200 stalls of nearly anything one can ask for in gift merchandise for the holidays, foods and drinks. Notably, more handcrafted artifacts appear to be available in this market than in the city. Overall, there seems to be much greater variety of products in this market, if you include stalls on the promenade and within the town. Additionally, one may find there food produce to buy for home (e.g., varieties of cheese, salami). Musical performances are playing from a stage in the promenade to make the celebration merrier. As a note aside, no conspicuous brand marketing could be readily traced in this event, except perhaps for the event marketing of the whole market. In summary, the Christkindlimärt of Rapperswil-Jona offers a special and rich experience that feels more free, like a holiday in the countryside, to anyone willing to make the modest distance.


 

The Christmas markets of Zurich, as described above, are well organised and designed to create festive events — the markets are both commercial events and celebrating events for the seasonal holidays. There is a flourishing shopping activity that visitors are engaged in, but it is enveloped with leisure, culinary and entertainment activities and experiences. Visitors walking through the markets can mix between all these possibilities to create each his or her favourable experience. The style of these markets, not unexpectedly, is orientated more towards the traditional marketing and retailing rather than modern design. But it has to be well planned in our days to sustain those earlier characteristics. In that sense, the markets appear to manifest good practices of event marketing. The city of Zurich can be complimented for creating attractive festive markets for residents as well as tourists.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

 

 

Health insurance, financial investments, telecom service plans — consumers frequently find it harder to make choice decisions in these exemplar domains. Such domains are more susceptible to exhibiting greater complexity: details, many and technical, to account for, multiple options difficult to differentiate and to choose from, and unclear consequences. In products, we may refer in particular to those involving digital technology and computer-based software that some consumers are likely to find more cumbersome to navigate and operate. When consumers are struggling to make any choice, they develop a stronger tendency to delay or avoid the decision at all. They need assistance or guidance in making their way towards a choice that more closely matches their needs or goals and preferences.

Handel and Schwartzstein (2018) are distinguishing between two mechanism types that obstruct or interfere with making rational decisions: frictions and mental gaps.

Frictions reflect costs in acquiring and processing information. They are likely to occur in earlier stages of a decision process when consumers are encountering difficulties in searching for and sorting through relevant information (e.g., what options are more suitable, what attributes and values to look at), and they have to invest time and effort in tracing the information and organising it. Furthermore, frictions may include the case when consumers fail to see in advance or anticipate the benefits from an available alternative  (e.g., consider the difficulty of older people to realise the benefits they may gain from smartphones).

Mental gaps are likely to make an impact at a more advanced stage: the consumer already has the relevant information set in front of him or her but misinterprets its meanings or does not understand correctly the implications and consequences of any given option (e.g., failing to map correctly the relation between insurance premium and coverage). Mental gaps pertain to “psychological distortions” that generally may occur during information-gathering,  attention and processing, but their significance is primarily in comprehension of the information obtained. In summary, it is “a gap between what people think and what they should rationally think given costs.”

In practice, it is difficult to identify which type of mechanism is acting as an obstacle on the way of consumers to a rational decision.  Research techniques are not necessarily successful in separating between a friction and a mental gap as sources of misinformed choices (e.g., choosing a dominated option instead of a dominating one apparent to the rational decision-maker). Notwithstanding, Handel and Schwartzstein are critical of research practices that focus on a single mechanism and ignore alternative explanations. In their view, disregard to the distinction between mechanisms can lead to spurious conclusions. They suggest using counterfactual approaches that test a certain mechanism, or a combination of explanations, and then argue against it with a ‘better’ prospective mechanism explanation. They also refer to survey-based and experimental research methods for distinguishing frictions and mental gaps. The aim of these methods is to track the sources of misinformed decisions.

Consumers often run into difficulty with financial investments and saving plans. In some countries policy makers are challenged with driving consumers-employees towards saving for retirement during the working years. Persuasion per se turns out to be ineffective and other approaches for directing or nudging consumers into saving are designed and implemented (e.g., encouraging people to “roll into saving” through a scheme known as ‘Save More Tomorrow’ by Thaler and Sunstein).

Confronting employees with a long list of saving plans or pension funds may deter them from duly attending to the alternatives in order to make a decision, and even risks their aborting the mission. When consumers-employees have a hard time to recognise differences between the plans or funds (e.g., terms of deposit, assets invested in, returns), they are likely to turn to heuristics that brutally cut through the list. Crucially, even if information on key parameters is available for each option, decision-makers may use only a small part of it. Similar difficulties in choosing between options may arise in financial investments, for instance when choosing between equity and index funds or bond funds. One may be assisted by suggesting a default plan (preferably, recommending a personally customised plan) or sorting and grouping the proposed plans and funds into classes (e.g., by risk level or time horizon). However, it should be acknowledged that consumer responses as described above may harbour frictions as well as mental gaps, and it could help to identify which mechanism has the greater weight in the decision process.

A key issue with health insurance concerns the mapping of relationship between an insurance premium and the level of deductibles or cost-sharing between the insurer and the insured. For example, consumers fall into a trap of accepting an insurance policy offered with a lower premium while not noticing a higher deductible they would have to pay in a future claim. An additional issue consumers have to attend to is the coverage provided for different medical procedures such as treatments and surgeries (given also the deductible level or rate). Consumers may stumble in their decision process while studying health insurance plans as well as while evaluating them.

  • Public HMOs (‘Kupot Holim’) in Israel offer expanded and premium health insurance plans as supplementary to what consumers are entitled to by the State Health Insurance Act. Yet in recent years insurance companies are prompting consumers to get an additional private health insurance plan from them — their argument is that following changes over the years in the HMOs’ plans and reforms by the government, those plans do not offer adequate coverage, or none at all, for more expensive treatments and surgeries. The coverage of private insurance plans is indeed more generous, but so are the much higher premiums , affordable to many only if paid for by the employer.

In addressing other aspects of healthcare, Handel and Schwartzstein raise the issue of consumer preference for a branded medication (non-prescription) over an equivalent and less costly generic or store-branded medication (e.g., buying Advil rather than a store-branded medication that contains the same active ingredient [ibuprofen] for pain relief as in Advil). Another vital issue concerns the tendency of patients to underweight the benefits of treatment by medications prescribed to them, and consequently do not take up medications satisfactorily as instructed to them by their physicians (e.g., patients with a heart condition, especially after a heart attack, who do not adhere as required to the medication regime administered to them).

Customers repeatedly get into feuds with their telecom service providers — mobile and landline phone communication , TV and Internet. Customers of mobile communications (‘cellular’), for example, often complain that the service plan they  had agreed to did not match their actual usage patterns or they did not understand properly the terms of the service contract they signed to. As a result, they have to pay excessive charges (e.g., for minutes beyond quota), or they are paying superfluous fixed costs.

With the advancement of technology the structure of mobile service plans has changed several times in the past twenty years. Mobile telecom companies today usually offer ‘global’ plans for smartphones that include first of all larger volumes of data (5GB, 10GB, 15GB etc.), and then practically an infinite or outright unlimited use of outgoing talking minutes and SMSs. While appealing at first, customers end up paying a fixed inclusive monthly payment that is too high relative to the traffic volume they actually make use of. On the one hand customers refrain from keeping track of their usage patterns because it is costly (a friction). On the other hand, customers fail in estimating their actual usage needs that will match the plan assigned to them (a mental gap). In fact, information on actual usage volumes is more available now (e.g., on invoices) but is not always easily accessible (e.g., more detailed usage patterns). It should be noted, however, that companies are not quick to replace a plan, not to mention voluntarily notifying customers of a mismatch that calls for upgrading or downgrading the plan.

A final example is dedicated here to housing compounds of assisted living for seniors. As people enter their retirement years (e.g., past 70) they may look for comfortable accommodation that will relieve them from the worries and troubles of maintaining their home apartment or house and will also provide them a safe and supportive environment. Housing compounds of assisted living offer residence units, usually of one or two rooms of moderate space, with an envelope of services: maintenance, medical supervision and aid, social and recreational activities (e.g., sports, games, course lectures on various topics). The terms for entering into assisted living housing can be nevertheless consequential and demanding. The costs involve mainly a leasing payment for the chosen residence and monthly maintenance fee payments.

Making the decision can be stressing and confusing. First, many elderly people cannot afford taking residence in such housing projects without selling their current home or possibly renting it (e.g., to cover a loan). In addition the value of the residence is depreciated over the years. Second, the maintenance fee is usually much higher than normal costs of living at home. Hence residents may need generous savings plus rental income in order to finance the luxury and comfort of assisted living. Except for the frictions that are likely to occur while looking for an appropriate and affordable housing compound, the prospect residents are highly likely to be affected by mental gaps in correctly understanding the consequences of moving into assisted living (and even their adult children may find the decision task challenging).

Methods of intervention from different approaches attempt to lead consumers to make decisions that better match their needs and provide them greater benefits or value. Handel and Schwartzstein distinguish between allocation policies that aim to direct or guide consumers to a recommended choice without looking into reasons or sources of the misinformed decisions (e.g., nudging techniques), and mechanism policies that attempt to resolve a misguided or misinformed choice decision by tackling a specific reason causing it, such as originating from a mechanism of friction or mental gap. From a perspective of welfare economics, the goal of an intervention policy of either type is to narrow down a wedge between the value consumers obtain from actual choices subject to frictions and mental gaps, and the value obtainable from a choice conditional on being free of frictions and mental gaps (i.e., assuming a rational decision). (Technical note: The wedge is depicted as a gap in value between a ‘demand curve’ and a ‘welfare curve’, respectively.)

Policies and methods of either approach have their advantages and disadvantages. An allocation policy has a potential for greater impact, that is, it can get farther in closing the welfare wedge.  Yet, it may be too blunt and excessive: while creating a welfare gain for some consumers, it may produce an undesirable welfare loss to consumers for whom the intervention is unfitting. Without knowing the source of error consumers make, it is argued that a nudging-type method (e.g., simplifying the structure of information display of options) could be insufficient or inappropriate to fix the real consumer mistake. A fault of allocation policies could particularly be, according to the authors, that they ignore heterogeneity in consumer preferences. Furthermore, and perhaps as a consequence, such policies overlook the presence of informed consumers who may contribute by leading to the introduction of far better products at lower prices.

Mechanism policies can in principle be more precise and effective while targeting specific causes of consumers’ mistakes, and hence correcting the costs of misinformed decisions without generating unnecessary losses to some of them. The impact could be more limited in magnitude, yet it would be measured. But achieving this outcome in practice, the authors acknowledge, can be difficult and complicated, requiring the application of some costly research methods or complex modelling approaches. They suggest that “[as] data depth and scope improve, empirically entangling mechanisms in a given context will become increasingly viable”.

The analysis by Handel and Schwarztsein of the effects of intervention policies — mechanism versus allocation — could come as too theoretical, building on familiar concepts of economic theory and models, furthermore being difficult and complicated to implement. Importantly, however, the authors open up a door for us to a wider view on sources of mistakes consumers make in decision-making and the differences between approaches aimed at improving the outcomes of their decisions. First, they clarify a distinction between mechanisms of frictions and mental gaps. Second, they contrast allocation policies (e.g., nudging) versus mechanism policies which they advocate. Third, to those less accustomed to the concepts of economic analysis, they demonstrate their ideas with practical real-world examples. Handel and Scwharzstein present a perspective well deserving to learn from.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

Reference:

Frictions or Mental Gaps: What’s Behind the Information We (Don’t) Use and When Do We Care?; Benjamin Handel and Joshua Schwartzsetein, 2018; Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 32 (1 – Winter), pp. 155-178. (doi: 10.1257 / jep.32.1.155)

 

 

It is hard to ignore the increased frequency at which men can be seen with a beard of some form or style on their faces in recent years. Beards have become popular especially among young men towards or in their early twenties. The renewed fashion of growing beards is making troubles for 115+ years old Gillette, once an independent company and since 2005 a division and brand of consumer packaged goods giant Procter & Gamble (P&G). The difficulties for the famed brand of razors and blades caused by changes in shaving habits of male consumers have been further exacerbated by increased competition and the growing shift to e-commerce. Yet above and beyond, Gillette faces a key challenge to defend and sustain its brand equity, arising from its reputation and position of leadership for many years.

Indeed ‘beards’ are far from being uniform. Beards, and facial hair in general, can be thick or thin, with or without a moustache, covering the cheeks or leaving them clear (see for example the  top 15 beard styles described by Gillette). Often enough the beard is not much more than stubble kept growing for a few days. But beards should be more than a matter of avoiding a shave everyday. As said above, there are different shapes and styles of them, and to keep the beard in form and in good appearance, one has to cultivate and nurture his beard on a regular basis.

  • From the late 19th century and through the first half of the 20th century the moustache was the epicentre of facial hair for men. It was a fashionable sign of manhood, and there were some creative and artistic designs of them.

According to figures from 2013, it was estimated that 17% of American men grew a beard of some form in that year, up from 14% in 2009. Beards are particularly frequent among young US men age 18-24: 35% in 2013 compared with 31% in 2009 (Experian Marketing Services, 14 March 2014; the estimate of ‘bearded men’ is based on a definition of men not using any shaving products or men who use electric shavers or shaving cream (foam) fewer than two times per week [to be distinguished from watching men and counting those bearded]).

The problem of Gillette seems to be aggravated, however, by a reduced frequency at which men shave per week. It is increasingly popular to grow a 2-day, 3-day or 5-day beard. If to judge by the frequency of using shaving cream, US men used it 4.5 times per week in 2009 versus 4.3 times in 2013 (mean 3.5-3.6 among 18-24 years old). Therefore, this is not simply a question of whether an individual uses shaving products, particularly disposable razors and blades, but how much one uses them (and thereof pays to buy them). It should be noted that just 15% of young men age 18-24 in the US have had a thick beard (using no shaving products) in 2013 (2009 13%);  among those in the next age group of 25-34 years old this proportion was a minor 5%.

  • In other data (by Mintel) for 2015, 41% of men using shaving products in the US do not shave daily (50% of  18-24 years old, 51% among 45-54 years old). Nonetheless, among those who do not shave daily not all is lost, probably far from it.

Hence, there is a different way, more optimistic, to look at the situation. Many of the men who grow some form of a beard do have to continue to shave regularly enough. First, it can be noticed that many of the young men grow a rather thin and light beard. Second, many grow a beard on part of their faces (e.g., around the mouth) and hence have to keep shaving the remaining areas where facial hair grows. Therefore, instead of looking at how men do not shave or shave less frequently, one should look at the frequency they do shave, when and how. Additionally, men who grow thin and partial beards can be encouraged and advised on nurturing their beards, keeping them in line and aesthetically appearing. In fact, Gillette demonstrates in videos on its country-websites how to do so with their manual shaving products, a step in the right direction (note: similar instructive videos are available from other sources as well). Nevertheless, more emphasis may have to be given to trimmers for cutting off more dense facial hair to offer customers a more complete solution.

Shaving manually with razor blades is a ritual that demands time, patience and care. It involves three main stages and requires the use of supplementary products (e.g., pre-shave lotion, shaving cream or foam). Part of the market of manual razors and blades has been captured years ago, especially in developed countries, by electric shavers for the greater simplicity of shaving with them and also for being safer. In the US, the ratio between shaving methods stands (2013) at about 3:2 — 6 users of disposable razors and blades to 4 users of electric shavers (Experian). Younger men (18-24) tend somewhat more to prefer manual shaving over electric shavers. If it gives any consolation, only 27% of American users of electric shavers apply the machine daily (i.e., 7+ times per week). In addition, users of electric shavers seem to have lowered their frequency of shaving (mean uses per week): 4 in 2009 versus 3.7 in 2013 (18-24 years old use them less frequently to start with, 2.5-2.6). A possible lesson from those revealed figures might be that men in developed countries should not be expected nowadays to shave daily, perhaps only half as frequently, using either manual or electric devices.

In some ways, as suggested below, the management of Gillette can draw back users of electric shavers to using the brand’s razors and blades. First, users of electric shavers may be convinced of a greater accuracy in which Gillette razor blades can be used to keep, for instance, a beard within its intended  border lines. Second, while men may not find the time and patience to shave manually during the week, they may see the benefits of doing so, instead of using the electric shaver, on weekends and holidays when they have more time to groom themselves. It may be possible to widen an already small overlap that appears to exist between the use of electric shavers and the use of disposable razors and blades.

  • P&G also markets the Braun brand of electric shavers (foil covering a straight-line blade). Philips, a leader in electric shavers (round rotary heads), is offering models with or without a pop-up trimmer on back of the handset shavers; a trimmer is also available as a separate device, as may fit the need to separately treat more dense hair. (Royal Philips has been re-aligning its business in the past few years, but it seems to have found a place for its shaving products in the personal care category for men as an extension to health-care technologies).

Gillette looks as an autonomous division of P&G, almost independent from it. It may get even more freedom than other brands in the house of brands of P&G. Indeed, Gillette has been an independent strong brand for many years and is still capable of being a driver of consumer choice without the help of the corporate name of P&G. Moreover, Gillette has been and remains the endorser of product brands such as Sensor (since 1990), Mach 3 (since 1998) and Fusion (since 2006; Fusion has two premium sub-brands ProGlide and ProShield). The three product brands may be strong enough each to share a driving power equally with the endorsing Gillette name. Some consumers may know that Gillette is owned by P&G and they may value the solid backing it can give Gillette, but it seems the P&G name has no more than a role of shadow endorser [1]. The root (US) website of Gillette and its various country-websites make no reference to P&G in their content; the only mention given is a title at the top left corner saying “Part of the P&G family”. This approach thus helps in instilling the notion that Gillette acts as a stand-alone brand (or brand tree).

The cost of replacing the disposable razors (‘handles’) and blades of Gillette has become a key issue for the brand in the last ten years. The ‘heads’ that contain the blades (e.g., Sensor with 2 blades, Mach has 3 blades and Fusion has 5) seem to cause the greater burden for users, especially as they have to be replaced more frequently than the razor on which the ‘head’ is mounted. Gillette has embarked on a major effort in the US to lower their cost and bring back customers — the US website includes a ‘Pricing’ page introducing a special Lower Prices offer on razors and blades (these are recommended retail prices that Gillette is careful to stress it cannot guarantee for every retailer). A similar ‘Pricing’ page appears on the Canadian website but without details of prices, while no such page appears on websites of other countries (e.g., Australia, UK, Germany, Argentina, South Africa). Additionally, Gillette publishes on its American website a ‘Letter to Consumers’ from its employees as part of its effort: showing how they listen to consumers, and expressing gratitude to those who have already returned after trying razors and blades of competitors (attributed to Gillette’s quality advantage and their lower price offering). It begs one to wonder why this effort is limited to North America.

A threat to Gillette has come primarily from online retailers such as Dollar Shave Club (now owned by Unilever) and uprising Harry’s. At first, men reacted to increasing costs of blades by growing beards and shaving less frequently, but then also by turning to online suppliers. Dollar Shave Club was estimated to have an online market share in 2016 of 52.4% on razors and blades, and Harry’s obtaining 9.4%. However, Gillette has also entered into selling its razors and blades online and launched a customer Club in 2014; in 2016 its share online was estimated at 21.2% (CNBC, 7 August 2016, estimate figures provided by Slice [Ratuken] Intelligence). An increasing interest in subscription plans was further noted by Mintel (5 Nov. 2015) — such plans offer razors and blades at lower prices with the advantage of providing also supplementary shaving products; all can be ordered together in convenient packages. Gillette had to adapt to the new conditions, including the shift in consumer behaviour and new market rules (i.e., e-tailing). The subscription scheme of Gillette Club is available mostly in Western countries of North America and Western Europe (notes: in some countries it is labeled ‘On Demand’, and in the scheme described online, orders are set to be fulfilled via retail stores).

  • Gillette was acquired by P&G in 2005 for $57Bn. In May 2018 the Gillette brand was ranked #32 on the List of Most Valued Brands of Forbes, valued at $17.1Bn. Market share of razors in the US has been sliding down during six consecutive years, from 70% in 2010 to 54% in 2016. Since 2012 the sales of Gillette have declined from a peak of $8.3bn to $6.8bn in 2016, and dropped another 3% in 2017 to $6.6Bn. There is an anticipation now that the Club would help to halt the decline in 2018.

The slogan of Gillette, sustained for several decades already, is “The Best a Man Can Get”. Gillette has been thriving for excellence in the area of shaving as a cornerstone of its brand equity. It has won its recognition as a leader based on high perceived quality of its shaving products, especially its razors and blades (as a ‘power brand’, it achieved a central category benefit [‘the closest shave’], and has been continually improving [2a]). An association that resonates with consumers is significant for brand-building; it has to be meaningful and relevant to them. David Aaker and Erich Joachimsthaler noted in their book ‘Brand Leadership’ that Gillette was among the brands “that have high customer resonance because their customer value proposition is highly relevant” [2b]. This could be the prime challenge of Gillette as a brand for the coming years: The high quality of its products is undeniable, but can it uphold its relevance to consumers?

 


In its struggle to bring customers back, a national advertising campaign to persuade men to shave again has missed its target. An Israeli advertising agency (ACW) created a campaign titled ‘The Dad Test’ featuring a ruler for measuring how much a beard or stubble hurts babies by scratching the baby’s face (2017). The campaign stirred protest and anger for being insensitive and aiming low (Mako-Keshet TV, 7 June 2017 [Hebrew]). First, the ‘problem’ the ad caught onto is hardly new. Second, the campaign took an offensive stand by raising a conflict, alienating customers, and thus was shooting in the wrong direction. (ACW is affiliated with international advertising agency Grey; this campaign does not seem to have appeared outside Israel).

The US-based advertising agency Grey New-York launched in the past three years ad campaigns, for American Father’s Day, that seem to adopt a more positive and constructive approach to father and son relations: (1) In 2016, ‘Go Ask Dad’ instead of turning to the Internet (The Drum, 19 June 2016); (2) In 2017, ‘Handle with Care’ featuring a son helping his elderly father shave (AdWeek, 22 June 2017); (3) In 2018, ‘Your Best Never Comes Easy’, meant to redefine or re-establish the brand’s slogan (AdAge, 11 September 2018). A leading theme in these ad campaigns is connecting fathers and sons with a razor product of Gillette as the pivotal mediator. They may also be noted for enhancing a functional benefit of Gillette with an emotional benefit.


 

An approach that may help Gillette paving its way forward is looking through the lens of The Theory of Jobs to Be Done developed by Clayton Christensen [3]. In order to attract customers and keep them, a company has to understand the goal or task the consumers wish to accomplish and focus on how its designated product will help them in making progress towards achieving their goal (i.e., ‘getting the job done’). Furthermore, jobs are context-dependent, that is, in different circumstances or conditions the consumer may need the same product to do differing jobs. In the case of shaving razors and blades, we may posit ‘jobs’ such as: (1) What type of look men wish to display with their beards — does the consumer want to foster a ‘neat and elegant’ look or is he interested in appearing ‘rough and tough’? — from here a company may derive the extent to which razors have to provide a close shave and accuracy; (2) The main concern of male users may be that shaving will be easy and convenient, and without taking too much time (say 10 minutes). An additional goal for shaving may require that it is more economically affordable. Taking these options into consideration, it may prompt Gillette to examine whether consumers can easily distinguish between the different razors it offers and trace which model of razor and blades is most appropriate for the job one wants to accomplish.

The challenges Gillette has to resolve may be divided into two levels. In the short to medium term the brand may be more engaged in tackling the contemporary fashionable trends in growing beards and thereby the shifts in shaving behaviour of male consumers. There is little point in speculating how long this period may last — the brand just has go through it and adjust its product offerings and marketing. In the longer term, more crucially, Gillette will have to be concerned with sustaining the relevance of the brand (e.g., fit for a job) to men, younger and older, and ensuring that associations they hold of the brand remain valid and meaningful. On that depends the future of Gillette.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

Notes:

[1] Based on the model of brand architecture in: Brand Leadership; David A. Aaker and Erich Joachimsthaler, 2009/2000; London, UK: Pocket Books (paperback edition, originally published in 2000 by Simon & Schuster UK)

[2] Ibid. 1: [a] (p. 67) and [b]  (p. 89)

[3] Competing Against Luck; Clayton M. Christensen with Taddy Hall, Karen Dillon, & David A. Duncan, 2016; Harper Business (HarperCollins Publishers)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Marketing and consumer researchers have long been interested in revealing and describing differences in the behaviour of consumers that arise from differences in culture between societies, nations and communities. Ignoring such differences can lead companies to making embarrassing and costly mistakes in international marketing. Culture sets ideas, values, norms, symbols and customs that influence and shape the thoughts, beliefs and actions of the people adhering to it; in particular, responses to marketing-oriented stimuli — products, advertising messages, websites, stores etc. — can vary specifically due to cross-cultural differences.

Kastanakis and Voyer (2014 [1]) propose that investigation of the effects of cross-cultural differences on consumer behaviour should look deeper into pre-behavioural processes, namely perception and cognition. Culture conditions perception and cognition, thus affecting how consumers perceive and understand stimuli, which consequently drive behaviour. Consumers develop perceptions and thoughts from the input of stimuli they attend to, but top-down processes set by pre-defined mind-sets, goals and beliefs (e.g., guided by culture) may inversely shape how consumers perceive, interpret and think of the information received from their environment. The researchers review ways in which culture influences perception and cognition in different functions or contexts. Similar to the greater part of research on cross-cultural differences, Kastanakis and Voyer concentrate on differences between Western cultures (individualist, espousing independence) and Eastern [Asian] cultures (collectivist, espousing interdependence).

Western cultures encourage people to see themselves by themselves, that is, developing an independent construal of one’s self-image; Eastern cultures on the other hand encourage people to see themselves as part of a group, that is, developing an interdependent self-construal. Thus, Easterners are predisposed to construe their self-image based on their relations with and similarities to others in a group of affiliation, compared with Westerners who view themselves as individuals independent from others, emphasising their unique traits. The tendency of Easterners to perceive and judge an individual person relative to surrounding others is demonstrated in this example cited by Kastanakis and Voyer: American and Japanese research participants were asked to judge the emotion of a central figure based on his or her facial expression when surrounded by other person figures showing the same or different expressions — “The findings indicate that the surrounding people’s emotions influenced Japanese perceptions but not Americans’ perceptions of the central person’s feelings.” [Based on research by Masuda, Ellsworth and others, 2008.] Contextual information (e.g., feelings of others) seems to matter for judgements in the East more than in the West.

In another implication of the independent-interdependent cleavage, whereas Westerners are mainly focused on achieving their personal goals, Easterners are looking more to help advance goals of the group they belong to, catering to others’ needs or wishes.  The authors suggest as a possible consequence that “Westerners perhaps tend to join groups to serve their own needs, whereas in collectivist societies, people serve the groups to which they belong”. This difference in approach may affect, for example, the way users of social media in North America and Europe participate and interact in these networks, differently from users in Asia (e.g., South Korea, Japan, China). It has been repeatedly argued that social media networks have not helped people in the West to socialise any better, perhaps even to the opposite, and that users engaged in social media may still feel in solitary. A similar discussion may concern also the use of digital platforms in the rising ‘sharing economy’ (e.g., Airbnb, Uber, LendingClub). Gaining true benefits from socialising and sharing platforms is based on collaboration, contributing to others or at least reciprocating helpful actions by others, not quite in line with values and norms taught by the individualist culture of the West (e.g., promoting competition and personal achievement).

The contrast between independence and interdependence further finds an expression in a respective distinction between thinking styles: analytic vs. holistic. Analytic thinking, associated with an individualist culture, is more focused on single objects and the attributes of each; holistic thinking, associated with a collectivist culture, is more attentive to the context or field in which any object is found. Thereby, Westerners following an analytic perspective would be more inclined to observe and judge objects in isolation, whereas Easterners (Asians) following a holistic perspective tend to consider the relations between objects observed and make judgements based on the context of a whole scene. This distinction can have important implications for the perception and evaluation of visual scenes. For instance, a Westerner would focus on a particular exhibit or display of products in a store (e.g., a dressed mannequin) while an Easterner would see the same display against the background of other in-store displays and interior decorations of the store. In front of a shelf display, an Easterner viewing it holistically would be more attentive to the collection of products on display compared with an ‘analytic’ Westerner focusing on each product at a time (note: such a difference may also be applicable to a screen display of products on a webpage).

The difference in perspective is applicable also in viewing photographs of scenes, not just when being physically present on-site. Easterners more accustomed to a holistic view would be more capable at capturing the gist of a photographed scene as it relies on perceiving relations between multiple figures and objects in the scene. Westerners following an analytic perspective, on the other hand, would be more capable at noticing the attributes of particular objects. It should be noted, therefore, that while people in the collectivist East may have the advantage of identifying relations better, people in the individualist West may have the advantage of observing object details better (i.e., could be judging single objects with greater scrutiny). It furthermore appears that people match their aesthetic preferences to their culture-orientated perspective. Kastanakis and Voyer give an example wherein Eastern portrait paintings or photographs “tend to diminish both the size and the salience of the central figure and emphasize the field”.  Such differences in perspective and thinking style should be considered, as the authors advise, in the aesthetic design of advertising materials and other communications as well as in retail sites.

Stronger relational processing has relevance to attributes, and moreover to a perceived relationship between price and physical product attributes used as intrinsic cues for quality. Lalwani and Shavitt (2013) provided ground support for the association between modes of self-construal — independent vs. interdependent — and reliance on a perceived price-quality relationship. The way people look upon their own self-concept vis-à-vis their relation to others radiates to their perceptions and processing of relations between price and quality attributes. Importantly, however, they show that the linkage is mediated by the distinction between analytic and holistic thinking styles. Interdependent (collectivist-oriented) consumers are more capable at processing price-quality relations, where holistic thinking in particular positively predicts greater reliance on such relationships [2].

In addition to visual processing and aesthetics, culture is known to affect perception, processing and preferences of smell and sound. Consumers may be biased to better recognise smells familiar to them in their culture or to better comprehend culturally familiar melodies. The bias occurs, as said by Kastanakis and Voyer, during recall and recognition before the information even enters the attitude formation, judgement, and decision making processes. Consider thereby the mixtures of styles and forms one would find in a country that absorbs immigrants originating from cultures different from each other or from the culture incumbent in the receiving country, for example in music and food. As people borrow from the traditions of communities of other cultural origins and adopt also from those typical locally, they get exposed to and experience mixtures of music melodies or food flavours. Yet, even with years passing certain things do not change — consumers may continue to feel more secure and comfortable with the familiar music genres and food styles they were raised on at home, associated with a given culture.

  • Kastankis and Voyer note a lack in cross-cultural research on taste perceptions; that is unfortunate because food is such a significant domain, but the smell of food may still have a cultural impact on consumers’ reactions.

Furthermore, the language one speaks can determine the perspective, individualist or collectivist, one applies. Immigrants, for instance, may change how they present themselves depending on the language they use: that of their origin or the one adopted in their current country of residence. The language carries the values and norms of a culture it is associated with, such as how people perceive themselves. For example, bi-cultural Chinese-born people refer to their own internal traits and attributes to describe themselves in English but describe themselves in relation to others when using Chinese. Kastanakis and Voyer argue that language is not emphasised enough as an aspect of culture: “language triggers a culture-bound representation of the self”.


Idiocentrism and Allocentrism are views held by people at the individual level in parallel to the individualist and collectivist cultural views of societies, respectively. This reference to individual-level culturally oriented views becomes particularly prominent when the personal view does not match the societal-level view dominant in one’s country of residence: for example, when people of Asian origin living in the United States, a country with an individualist culture, personally maintain an allocentric view.

Dutta-Bergman and Wells (2003) found some interesting differences in values held and lifestyles practised by idiocentrics and allocentrics living in the American individualist culture. For example, idiocentrics are likely to be more satisfied with their financial situation and optimistic than allocentrics; idiocentrics are also more disposed to be workaholic, yet are more innovative. Allocentrics are more likely to be health conscious; additionally, they are more inclined to invest in food preparation and other chores at home and to engage in group socialising than idiocentrics [3]. (Note: Idiocentrism and Allocentrism are approached as individual-level dispositions adopted by people; they are not necessarily contingent on any immigration status or country-of-origin.)


 

The differences between individualist and collectivist cultures may influence human cognition in several more ways explained by Kastanakis and Voyer. Key areas involve self- versus others-related cognitions, self-esteem, and information processing. Briefly mentioning some noteworthy implications: (1) People in Western cultures have a stronger tendency to make dispositional attributions for behaviour (e.g., to one’s personal traits or competencies) and discard situational factors, as opposed to Easterners; (2) Causal reasoning in Eastern cultures tends to give greater consideration to interactions between personal (dispositional) factors and situational or contextual factors than in Western cultures; (3) In Western cultures people will prefer to classify products based on typical functional or physical attributes of categories (i.e., rule-based classification) whereas in Eastern cultures people will rely more on family resemblance and relationships between products (i.e., relational classification); (4) In persuasion, Westerners (e.g., Americans) prefer to take side in conflicts while Easterners (e.g., Chinese) are persuaded more by compromise solutions and are more ready to deal with contradictions.

Readers are reminded additionally of the differences in processing of visual information already described earlier (i.e., between the Western object-focused analytic approach and the context-orientated holistic approach in the East). These differences may be well-connected with the approach consumers take in judging and classifying products visually displayed (e.g., physically in-store, virtually in print or screen images).

Three final comments to conclude: First, as always we have to be careful with generalisations made such as between ‘Western culture’ and ‘Eastern culture’. There are differences in elements of culture between countries associated more closely with either the individualist or collectivist streams of culture. There is furthermore variation among communities and sectors within countries, and some tendencies may also be considered as individual-level differences (e.g., holistic vs. analytic thinking). Second, there is need in the West to explore and deepen the understanding of other streams of culture (e.g., African, Middle Eastern, South American). Third, Kastankis and Voyer address changes in perspective and behaviour of people in Asian nations caused by their growing exposure to the Western individualist cultural orientation. However, a more salient phenomenon prevalent in recent decades seems to be the immigration of people originating from non-Western cultures coming to live in countries of the West. Especially in Europe, the extent of exchange in ideas, values and customs between people with Western-orientation (‘incumbents’) and non-Western cultural orientations (e.g., from Africa and the Middle East) should have great impact on the balance between cultures on the continent (as well as in the UK), and not least the kind of consumer culture that will prevail in future.

International marketers must keep fully aware of and account for the differences between Western individualist orientation and Eastern collectivist orientation, and more so their multiple facets of manifestation in perception and cognition. Particularly important is paying attention to the differing thinking styles (i.e., analytic vs. holistic thinking) for their possible implications in processing and responding, for example, to persuasive attempts in advertising in online and offline channels, store design and visual merchandising. Extending marketing plans or initiatives across seas and borders, without making consideration for these potential differences, may significantly diminish the effectiveness of the actions taken in new destination markets to the extent of proving utterly precarious.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)

References:

[1] The Effect of Culture on Perception and Cognition: A Conceptual Framework; Minas N. Kastanakis and Benjamin G. Voyer, 2014; Journal of Business Research, 67 (4), pp. 425-433. (Accepted version is available at eprints.lse.ac.uk/50048/ on LSE Research Online website).

[2] You Get What You Pay For? Self-Construal Influences Price-Quality Judgments; Ashok K. Lalwani and Sharon Shavitt, 2013; Journal of Consumer Research, 40 (August), pp. 255-267 (DOI: 10.1086/670034).

[3] The Values and Lifestyles of Idiocentrics and Allocentrics in an Individualist Culture: A Descriptive Approach; Mohan J. Dutta-Bergman and William D. Wells, 2002; Journal of Consumer Psychology, 12 (3), pp. 231-242.

 

 

Choosing reading books can be a serious undertaking. Even the choice of a novel or a detective book may not be taken lightly by readers. There are different ways in which consumers may get into choosing a book; some search and selection patterns in the decision process carried out by consumers can be observed in bookstores. It is possible to infer from observations, with some limitations, styles of shopping for books, involving certain tactics or rules utilised in the process. Book fairs especially offer an interesting and vibrant venue for book shopping with options not regularly available at stores. Such events may also provide an opportunity to detect new or distinctive patterns and styles of shopping that arise from the dynamic happening and busy environment.

The open-air Hebrew Book Fair has been taking place in a main central square in Tel-Aviv for over forty years in every June. Originally the book fair was held for a week but in recent years it has been extended by three more days due to its high popularity. It must immediately be noted that the book fair is an event reserved for publishers. It is a kind of ‘direct-sales’ event in which publishers meet face-to-face with readers to present their book collections to them for purchase on special discounts (the main bookstore chains run their own parallel competitive events with discounts in-store or near their stores). Visitors at the book fair can find Hebrew-native books and books translated to Hebrew from English and other languages; topical categories cover, for instance, prose, poetry  and novels; detective and thrillers; history, science, and other areas of knowledge; and last but not least children & youth books. Such an enormous selection of books is not available ordinarily at bookstores in the country. The larger publishing houses may occupy ten or more counters in-line.

The visitor traffic at the event, as in this year, suggests that print books are still highly desired by people. Nevertheless, to attract even more visitors, particularly families with children, the organisers added in the past few years food and drink stands and a sitting area with tables in the square’s centre. It may help to increase the convenience to visitors and festivity of the event though it could sacrifice a bit the respectability of this literary event. However, it may be a matter of necessity or priority to make the event more popular and vibrant so as to bring larger reader audiences back to books.

As suggested above, this book fair is a busy event with tens of thousands of books of numerous titles on display from different publishers and across a wide range of topics. It retains also a long tradition wherein Israeli authors attend to sign their books for visitors-buyers. Some book counters may become crowded with shoppers during certain hours through the afternoon and evening (i.e., after work and school hours) which can make it harder to access books and check them out more deeply. Hence it may require shoppers to apply tactics for choosing books of their interest and taste a little differently than they would while shopping in a bookstore. Yet visitors find their ways to browse books, sometimes more loosely, sometimes more meticulously; it seems to happen overall in an orderly manner, each visitor getting his or her place at a book counter or desk.

Visitors can be seen walking along counters of a given publisher, staying at a counter for a while to observe its books, then moving along. After selecting a few books from separate but adjacent counters of the same publisher, the visitor often returns to a previous counter to pay. However, visitors-buyers are also offered the option to keep books already selected behind the counter (a combination of convenience and security for both sellers and customers).

Three forms of browsing candidate books of interest can be primarily noticed: Firstly, eye-scanning the front covers of books from top. Secondly, lifting a book, turning it over and reading its back cover — an abstract, short review recommendations, or a brief biography of the author(s). A visitor may examine a few books from a counter this way, but being able to do so comfortably may truly depend on how many people are already at the counter. Hence, visitors who cannot find a free spot at a counter are often seen looking over a counter-top quickly, moving to the next counter, then coming back if perhaps there was a book that had caught their attention previously to check on the book more closely. But visitors generally do not have to wait too long to find a free spot at a counter. Thirdly, one gets to open a book and sample-read sections from its pages, or looking at photographs, charts or maps inside the book. Instances of reading inside books were observed much less frequently.

Examining a book’s content more deeply to form a better founded impression or opinion of it is more difficult and hence is less likely than would be seen at bookstores. Yet, if time and space at the counter allow, it is possible to find a visitor examining a book more meticulously. It appears to be particularly relevant and appropriate for ‘knowledge books’ such as in history, sciences and technology, the social sciences, economics and business. For example, a visitor in his ~70s was leaning over an open book on the history of WW2 by Max Hastings, appearing concentrated in reading and observing maps and photographs (‘Inferno/All Hell Let Loose’, translated). He seemed interested overall in history of the two world wars of the 20th century, judging from other books he browsed; after nearly ten minutes he handed three chosen books to keep, and continued searching [A].

  • Please be advised that the age estimates of visitors are based on observation alone in best judgement of the author.

Comparing books on a given topic can be an even more difficult task to perform at a counter. It is hardly practical to hold two books open simultaneously for comparison, but visitors may examine books sequentially in attempt to evaluate and choose which one is more suitable to their objectives. For instance, a visitor (male, ~60) looked into a book — its introduction, inner pages, and content — on the history of the state of Israel (by Michael Bar-Zohar), but he apparently did not find what he was looking for as he asked the seller if there were books on the period preceding the establishment of the state. The seller brought him two books (concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict): he opened one of them, went through its pages, and put it aside, then browsed at greater length pages in the other book and looked at photographs. Eventually he chose the first book on the state of Israel, after looking into it again, and the third book (total time 15 minutes, [B]).

The search and examination of books sometimes involves moments of deliberation. In some cases, as above [B], the visitor may ask for advice from a seller. Alternately, as in another case observed, a seller who noticed a visitor (female, 30-35) hesitating, offered her help with recommendations. The visitor-shopper was already holding two books and the seller brought her more books the latter thought may suit the shopper accordingly in prose or novels by Israeli authors. They continued talking about the books as the shopper browsed loosely inside some of the books or read from the back cover [C].

Deliberation can take some additional forms. For example, a female visitor (~45) was considering the purchase of a book on equity investments. She was checking in particular a book purporting to be adapted and designated for women. The visitor went through some book pages, being unsure it was a good choice, and seemed recoiled upon noticing the book was from 2011 (i.e., ‘Is it still valid and relevant?’). But eventually, following a short exchange with the (female) seller, the visitor-shopper decided to take it anyway [D]. A visitor (male, 25-30) at another publisher has shown an intriguing shopping process with deliberation to the last moment: He was already holding a book when moving to another counter to look over books of prose, selected one of them, then browsed some science and knowledge books (e.g., by an Israeli scholar, lecturer and prolific writer on sciences and philosophy, Haim Shapira), but collected none. Subsequently the shopper moved to a more remote counter where he picked-up instantly a book, came back to the previous counter of science and knowledge books to purchase three books. However, after he had already paid and the books were put in a bag by the seller and handed over to him, he took out one of the books and picked-up instead a different book in front of him on biblical philosophy (by Shapira, 10 minutes, [E]).

Shopping patterns can range from exploratory, looking for opportunities with little idea pre-conceived in mind, to being pre-minded, that is, having a goal to find a particular book. Moreover, visitors-shoppers may mix styles at different levels of search, examination and choice while shopping from the same publishing house. Mixed tactics could be seen above in the shopping of visitors [E] and [C]. Following are two more examples of this kind: (1) A young visitor (female, ~17-18) was browsing prose or fiction books, going through pages and reading inside some of the books or reading from the back covers of others, then passed to looking from top at books in adjacent counters of the publisher (a more haphazard quick scan), finally returning to the first counter to buy [F]; (2) A visitor (male, ~45, at a counter of books on history and politics) took a cursory look over a biography of one of Israel’s prominent leaders of the past, kept searching and shortly after found a book on the history of Sephardic Jews (‘Marranos’, Yirmiyahu Yovel) and looked into the book more dedicately; the visitor, who seemed overall interested in Israeli and Jewish history, picked up a book at the last moment by an Israeli historian on the commanders of the Nazi concentration camps (‘Soldiers of Evil’) and purchased it with the book on Marranos [G].

  • In a curious brief episode, demonstrating an apparent pre-determined choice of book, a visitor in his mid-40s approached a counter, stood pausing or looking over the books, then instantly extended his hand to pick-up three copies of a book on the Bitcoin, which he purchased; one of the sellers seemed so impressed that she asked to take a photo of him holding the books with her mobile phone to which he smilingly agreed [H].

The main publishing houses presenting at the book fair offered deals of ‘3 for 100’, that is, three books for 100 shekels (~$28 in June). One publisher even offered five books for 150 shekels. These deal offers were displayed on signage boards above counters. A fourth book could be purchased for 50% of its list price, but this offer was not displayed. Visitors-shoppers who had already selected three books enquired whether there would be a discount for additional books, and were replied with the 50% offer. For instance, visitor [A] so enquired before continuing his search. Another visitor (male, ~30) who was holding four books by Ken Follett seemed unable to make up his mind which three to buy, posed the question about a fourth book discount, deliberated a little longer while shuffling the books in his hand, and finally passed all four to the seller to purchase [I]. In some cases, however, it was the seller who initiated the offer of discount on a fourth book in hope to increase the sale. Visitor [C], for example, accepted an offer as such and bought four books, probably in appreciation of, and perhaps feeling obliged to reciprocate, the advice she received from the seller. Conversely, another visitor (~30), who selected three books in history and politics on his own refused the offer by the seller when submitting his books to purchase [J].

Visitors were induced by these deals to buy more books from any single publisher. A single book could usually be bought with a 20% discount but this offer was not made public, proposed by a seller only on request of the visitor. This policy makes it simply unworthy economically for visitors to cherry-pick the books they most require or desire from different publishers (consider that many of the books cost 80-120 shekels each!). The greater problem, however, is that it may drive consumers to buy books they do not care for or do not have time to read soon. Henceforth, visitors could end up buying a pack of books, collected from several publishers, for the whole year to read. It puts quantity before quality in buying books. The ones standing to suffer from this policy are of course the book retailers who will likely see fewer shoppers at their stores in the coming months. From a publisher’s viewpoint, they may see it as only a reprisal to similar deals offered at bookstores throughout the year.

Visitors-shoppers at the book fair appear to use composite decision strategies for choosing books at the counters of a publisher: a different type of rule or method may be fitted to choose among different books (e.g., picking-up a book planned ahead to purchase, using book titles or author names as memory cues for books they have considered recently, examining inside books with greater scrutiny to evaluate them). Furthermore, the book shoppers are searching for informational cues, starting from the front cover of a book, going to the back cover, then getting inside the book. They could be extending the search for cues about a book as they feel is needed (e.g., cut the search short if sufficient information has been retrieved) or are stimulated to learn more about the book (e.g., intrigued by information on the back cover to look inside).

The difference in shopping for books at the book fair compared with bookstores seems to be not so much in the types of rules or tactics used as in the extent and frequency they are used. Book shoppers may feel at greater ease to search for a book at a store with a print of a book review cut from a newspaper (as observed in a store) than they would in the book fair (surely the same applies if one seeks guidance from his or her smartphone). One may also feel more comfortable and free to browse inside a book at a bookstore, at a quiet corner to stand or perhaps on a couch or sofa to sit and read, than at the book fair. Yet, visitors of the book fair seemed to adapt quite well to the conditions at the counters; they appear to use rules or methods similar to those that can be seen at bookstores, only adjusting them to search and choose more efficiently, particularly by restricting deeper examinations to situations where a book demands it.

  • Additional research methods can aid in identifying and verifying more accurately the book images and information viewed by visitors and the decision rules they use. Those methods include particularly eye-tracking and a real-time protocol of the shopping decision process (‘think aloud’). But executions of such methods may be inconveniently intrusive and interfere with the natural course of the shopping trip for visitors. Another method to consider with less intervention is an interview with a visitor-shopper after concluding a shopping episode.

Gaining greater insight into shopping for books and understanding the decision processes visitors-shoppers follow at a book fair can help in devising new designs of book displays (e.g., better organise books by topics or themes, easier-to-find) and improved practices to accommodate the visitors at the event. The organisers and publishing houses may also come up with a new co-operative scheme that would allow visitors to accomplish more effectively their objective in selecting and buying the books that interest them most or they desire to read.

Ron Ventura, Ph.D. (Marketing)